Following a Rapid Evidence Assessment Centre for Homelessness Impact and RSM, a deep dive into the interaction between criminal justice and homelessness and rough sleeping systems took place.
People leaving prison face significant homelessness risk due to multiple, interconnecting factors:
Housing and financial barriers: Loss of accommodation and rent arrears during imprisonment; inadequate support to maintain housing; Local Housing Allowance rates that make private rental unaffordable, especially for under-35s limited to shared accommodation rates.
Discrimination and stigma: Landlords frequently refuse to rent to people with criminal records; certain offence types (particularly sex offences) face greater challenges due to safety concerns.
Individual circumstances: Short sentences limit access to support services; people on remand have minimal resettlement planning; relationship breakdowns and institutionalisation create additional barriers; disrupted mental health and substance use care makes securing stable housing difficult.
Intersectional challenges: Many people experience multiple issues simultaneously. Women face particular difficulties related to shorter sentences and experiences of trauma or violence.
Current Support Systems
What's working: Community Accommodation Service Tier 3 (CAS3) provides 84 nights of transitional housing with floating support for benefits, substance use and mental health access. Resettlement panels and rehabilitative services facilitate good collaboration between criminal justice and housing sectors in some areas.
Key challenges: Short-term support can defer rather than resolve homelessness risk as finding settled housing remains difficult. Structural barriers include limited housing stock, affordability issues, and capacity constraints in mental health services and adult social care. Specific groups (high support needs, remand, women) lack tailored support. Digital exclusion, benefit delays and insufficient partnership working hinder outcomes.
Gaps in provision: No continuity of mental health and substance use care after release; limited move-on housing options; lack of transitional support for independent living; there is no support for the 'medium needs' group (who don't have priority need but need some tenancy support).
System complexity: Pathways from prison to accommodation are inconsistent and highly variable. Fragmented data collection across services impedes comprehensive analysis and policy development.
The Accommodation for Ex-Offenders (AfEO) Programme
Performance: Referrals increased 30% from Phase 1 to Phase 2, with 2,562 tenancies secured (12% increase). However, no sampled local authority met their tenancy targets due to lack of affordable private rental housing. Nationally, 65% of people maintained accommodation for over six months; 60% of exits were successful graduations. It was not possible to assess overall programme success as targets were absent for most outcomes.
Positive consequences: Stronger partnerships between local authorities, probation, prisons and employment services; improved understanding of local needs and better support for vulnerable groups.
Negative consequences: Tensions with other vulnerable groups on waiting lists; limited women's referrals as their high support needs weren't met during shorter sentences; broad eligibility (anyone within 12 months of leaving custody) limited space for people moving from CAS3; regional disparities and lack of standardisation created inconsistent implementation.
Service Provision
Collaboration
Cost-Effectiveness
Data Collection